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ONE: Rancour of the Americans towards England��Their Admiration of Napoleon��The Right of Search and consequent Disputes��Madison's warlike Declaration��Opposition in Congress��Condition of Canada��Capture of Michilimachimac��An Armistice��Repulse of the Invasion of Canada��Naval Engagements��Napoleon and the Czar determine on War��Attempts to dissuade Napoleon��Unpreparedness of Russia��Bernadotte's Advice to Alexander��Rashness of Napoleon��Policy of Prussia, Austria and Turkey��Overtures to England and Russia��Napoleon goes to the Front��His extravagant Language��The War begins��Disillusion of the Poles��Difficulties of the Advance��Bagration and Barclay de Tolly��Napoleon pushes on��Capture of Smolensk��Battle of Borodino��The Russians evacuate Moscow��Buonaparte occupies the City��Conflagrations burst out��Desperate Position of Affairs��Murat and Kutusoff��Defeat of Murat��The Retreat begins��Its Horrors��Caution of Kutusoff��Passage of the Beresina��Napoleon leaves the Army��His Arrival in Paris��Results of the Campaign��England's Support of Russia��Close of 1812��Wellington's improved Prospects��He advances against Joseph Buonaparte��Battle of Vittoria��Retreat of the French��Soult is sent against Wellington��The Battle of the Pyrenees��The Storming of San Sebastian��Wellington forbids Plundering��He goes into Winter-quarters��Campaign in the south-east of Spain��Napoleon's Efforts to renew the Campaign��Desertion of Murat and Bernadotte��Alliance between Prussia and Russia��Austrian Mediation fails��Early Successes of the Allies��Battle of Lützen��Napoleon's false Account of the Battle��Occupation of Hamburg by Davoust��Battle of Bautzen��Armistice of Pleisswitz��Failure of the Negotiations��The Fortification of Dresden��Successive Defeats of the French by the Allies��The Aid of England��Battle of Leipsic��Retreat of the French across the Rhine��The French Yoke is thrown off��Castlereagh summons England to fresh Exertions��Liberation of the Pope��Failure of Buonaparte's Attempt to restore Ferdinand��Wellington's Remonstrance with the British Ministry��Battles of Orthez and Toulouse��Termination of the Campaign��Exhaustion of France��The Allies on the Frontier��Napoleon's final Efforts��The Congress of Ch��tillon��The Allies advance on Paris��Surrender of the Capital��A Provisional Government appointed��Napoleon abdicates in favour of his Son��His unconditional Abdication��Return of the Bourbons��Insecurity of their Power��Treaty of Paris��Bad Terms to England��Visit of the Monarchs to London. TWO:But the League did more than attempt to convert the country party. They determined to create a country party of their own. They had already taken up the registration of voters in the[510] boroughs, from which they proceeded, with that practical common sense which had distinguished nearly all their movements, to inquire into the position of the country constituencies, where hitherto the landowners had held undisputed sway. The scheme which resulted from this incursion into the dominions of the enemy was developed by Mr. Cobden at a meeting in the Free Trade Hall, Manchester, on the 24th of October, 1844. The Chandos clause in the Reform Act, giving the tenant-farmers votes for county members, had so strengthened the landlords' influence in the county that opposition at most of the county elections was hopeless. But Mr. Cobden showed his hearers that the counties were really more vulnerable than the small pocket boroughs. In many of these there was no increase from year to year in the number of voters��no extension of houses. The whole property belonged to a neighbouring noble, and as Mr. Cobden said, "You could no more touch the votes which he held through the property than you could touch the balance in his banker's hands." But the county constituency might be increased indefinitely, for there it required but a freehold property of the value of forty shillings a year to give a man a vote. This sum had been adopted from an ancient regulation, when money was of far greater value, and land of far less money worth than it was then; but the forty-shilling qualification existed, and was a powerful engine for the creation of voters. Up to that time it had had but little effect. The laws of England, but more especially the habits and prejudices of landowners, had always kept the land of the county in so few hands as to present an extraordinary contrast with the condition of things in all other nations of Europe. The danger of the forty-shilling clause to aristocratic influence in the county was not perceived, simply because forty-shilling freeholders were rare. But there was no reason why they should be rare. The passion for possessing freehold land was widely spread, and a few facilities offered for purchasing it would soon create a large number of small holders. The chief difficulty in the way of this had hitherto been the great cost of transferring land. Owing to the complicated laws of real property, the land, unlike other articles, could only be bought and sold after a minute investigation into the owner's title, which necessitated an historical account of the ownership extending back over many years. All this, however, the League could easily obviate. They could buy land in the lump, register its title once for all, and part it into small pieces for small buyers. "This," remarked Mr. Cobden, "must be done," and it was done. The Conservative party sneered at the Manchester man's proposition of serving land over a counter, like calico, by the yard; but the movement soon began to tell upon elections, and to alarm the great landed proprietors.The employment of children in factories also occupied the attention of Parliament at this time. A Bill had been framed in 1833 with the most benevolent intentions for the protection of factory children. The law excluded from factory labour all children under nine years of age, except in silk factories, and prohibited those under thirteen from working more than thirteen hours any one day; the maximum in silk mills alone being ten hours. The provisions of the law were, however, evaded by fraud. Children were represented as being much older than they really were, and abuses prevailed that induced Lord Ashley to bring in a Bill upon the subject. Accordingly, on the 22nd of June the noble lord moved, by way of amendment to the order of the day, the second reading of his Bill for the Better Regulation of Factories. The order of the day was carried by a majority of 119 to 111. The Bill was therefore lost by a majority of eight. On the 20th of July Lord Ashley again brought the whole matter under the consideration of the House in a speech full of painful details, and concluded by moving a resolution to the effect that the House deeply regretted that the imperfect and ineffective law for the regulation of labour in factories had been suffered to continue so long without any amendment. He was answered by the usual arguments of the Manchester school about the evils of interfering with free contract. Lord John Russell argued that, in the present condition of the manufacturing world, we could not, with restricted hours of labour, compete with other nations. A ten hours' Bill would drive the manufacturers abroad; and it would no longer be a question as to an hour or two more or less work to be performed by the children, but as to how their starvation was to be averted. On a division, the motion was lost by a majority of 121 to 106. On[455] the 16th of August the Queen proceeded to Westminster for the purpose of proroguing Parliament.

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